CANADA How The Communists Took Control
CANADA How The Communists Took Control
Part Two [ 1,660 words ]
Thoughts Of Chairman Trudeau
” …The drive towards power must begin with the establishment of bridgeheads,” says Trudeau (Federalism And The French Canadians, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1968), “since at the outset it is obviously easier to convert specific groups or localities than to win over an absolute majority of the whole nation.”
So Trudeau isn’t simply trying to govern Canada. He isn’t just trying to protect the realm, as he should. What he is really doing is using his powerful position as a weapon.
What he really wants, like his idol, Mao Tse-tung, is power. Indeed, says Trudeau, “the experience of that superb strategist Mao Tse-tung might lead us to conclude that in a vast and heterogeneous country, the possibility of establishing socialist strongholds in certain regions is the very best thing …. ”
It’s unnecessary and infeasible to establish Socialism all at once, he says. In a big country like China, or like Canada, the best way to impose Socialism is to manipulate group after group and seize region after region. He says “Federalism must be welcomed as a valuable tool which permits dynamic parties to plant socialist governments in certain provinces, from which the seed of radicalism can slowly spread.”
Notice the crucially important fact that Trudeau’s famous opposition to separatism isn’t based, like Lincoln’s, on a desire to keep his country together. Federalism for Trudeau is like everything else a tool — with which to impose Communism on Canada.
Socialism in one province will seep into another, he says. But if the separatists are successful — if a Socialist province becomes a foreign country — then that seepage is made more difficult. On the other hand, without the degree of provincial autonomy federalism allows, Trudeau says, he would be faced with the difficult task of imposing Socialism at once. Federalism allows it to be done province by province. That is why he wants just enough autonomy — but not too much.
What about specific tactics? Trudeau explains that “in terms of political tactics, the only real question democratic socialists must answer is, ‘Just how much reform can the majority of the people be brought to desire at the present time?’ ” People are “brought” to desire what Pierre wants. They are manipulated. The Socialism is slyly slipped over on them. Socialists must know how far to go at any time. As Pierre puts it: “I should like to see socialists feeling free to espouse whatever political trends or to use whatever constitutional tools happen to fit each particular problem at each particular time …. ”
Use the law, the government, and the political Parties to advance Socialism, says Pierre. If something is useable for the purpose, use it. “The Government is not in Quebec, not in Ottawa, but out in the street,” Trudeau has said.
“We, too, must take to the streets,” he explained in Montreal in 1969, because “the orientation to be given our society is going to be decided in the street.”
What should we conclude about Pierre-Elliott Trudeau? Observe that it was obvious his idol Mao was a Communist long before the New York Times finally agreed. It was obvious that Castro was a Communist long before he announced it. It was obvious, long before he took over, that Ben Bella was a Communist. But the incredible fact is that in Trudeau’s case the same thing is more obvious than in all the others put together.
Indeed, remember that we are talking here, of course, only about the known facts. In Montreal, a former Police Intelligence official told me that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (R.C.M.P.) over the years had collected a big file on Trudeau, but that Pierre destroyed it as soon as he could.
So there really is only one conclusion to be drawn. As you know, I usually draw it only after discovering the serial numbers of someone’s Party card tattooed on his forehead. But in this case, as we have seen, there is nothing else to say — and Pierre, after all, isn’t trying very hard to hide it. I wish there were some other conclusion, but there isn’t. Pierre-Elliott Trudeau is a Communist. He has always been a Communist.
He is now conspiring to impose Communist dictatorship on the people of Canada.
But a perennial question arises, so let’s deal with it at once: Why would a millionaire like Pierre work all his life for Communism? Isn’t he working against himself? If the people rise up – “from the bottom, mad with hunger and disease” – and if the Revolution succeeds, won’t Pierre be overthrown?
And the answer, of course, as we have seen, is: “No” — because Trudeau is the Revolution.
People don’t rise up from the bottom for Communism mad with hunger and disease. The Communists say they do, but they don’t. They’re too hungry and too sick. Communism is dictatorship — of the “proletariat” — and like every variety of dictatorship is always pressed down on people by dictators at the top — by well-fed dictators like Pierre Trudeau. What Trudeau wants — he says so himself — is power.
That’s what every Communist wants.
In a cafeteria on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, a Member of Parliament, and of the loyal opposition, leans across the table and tells me: “Trudeau would starve you, your family, and everyone west of Winnipeg to death, if he thought it meant one more ounce of political power.”
Three years ago, on television, Trudeau was asked which politician in history he most admired. “Machiavelli,” Trudeau replied.
How does a Communist like this get to be Prime Minister of Canada?
The Big Switch
In 1963, as you will remember, Trudeau had campaigned for the Marxist New Democrats, and had called the Liberals “idiots” and “a spineless herd.” Two years later, in 1965, Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier and Jean Marchand, of Cité Libre, decided to run for Parliament themselves — as Liberals.
In an article in Le Devoir, Trudeau and Pelletier explained to the dumbfounded N.D.P. that “we are pursuing the same objectives and adhering to the same political ideas we have been espousing for so long in Cité Libre…. ” Among these ideas was “a politics open to the left.” It should be understood, they explained, that “a political party is not an end, but a means.”
Trudeau, in other words, was still working for Communism. He had become a Liberal simply because the Liberals could win and the N.D.P. couldn’t. He was frankly using the Liberal Party, in accordance with the Maoist tactics he so admires.
The three revolutionaries were elected, shortly after which Prime Minister Lester Pearson appointed Trudeau his Parliamentary Secretary. Politicians and reporters stared at each other. Who is Trudeau? In 1967, Pearson appointed him Minister of Justice. Politicians and reporters stared at each other. Who is Trudeau? And in 1968 Pearson conveniently retired, opening the way for Lucky Pierre.
I realize that what you have already read presses painfully on your limits of belief but the fact is that Pearson is also a Communist. Elizabeth Bentley, the late, former Soviet spy, testified in Executive Session before a Congressional Subcommittee in Washington that “Mike” Pearson had been one of those who passed information to the spy ring.*
That a Communist of the Pearson sort should become Prime Minister of Canada is understandable. Bland and smiling, he tricked the Canadian people, as other Communist traitors have tricked people in country after country. He concealed his real color by continually mouthing “peace.” But Trudeau, as we have seen, boldly tells us what he thinks. Could it be that the Conspiracy decided the time had come to make Canada an official Communist state? Could it be that Pierre and Mike had a cozy tête-à-tête?
Early in 1968, Pierre announced his availability. Mike dropped the word that Pierre was his choice. And suddenly, with the precision of the New York Philharmonic, the Canadian Press began to sell Pierre to the people. His Communist record was simply ignored. Attempts to discuss it were branded as “hate.” Canadian women read instead about his intense masculinity. So blatant was the blackout of Pierre’s Communist background that the Calgary Herald refused an anti-Trudeau ad composed of passages from his own writings. The Toronto Globe & Mail and the Toronto Star also refused ads to detail his Communist background. And so complete has been the blackout that in January, 1971, former Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, of the Progressive Conservatives — who correspond roughly to our Republicans — demanded an investigation of the government-owned C.B.C. network.
There are notable exceptions, of course, such as Peter Worthington and Lubor Zink of the Toronto Telegram, but in his office in Ottawa another Member of Parliament told us that the mass media in Canada are even worse than in the United States — an assertion an American finds hard to believe.
In April, 1968, Trudeau was elected Party leader at the Liberal Convention. The Liberals controlled Commons, which meant, in the parliamentary system, that he had now become Prime Minister. He dissolved Parliament immediately and called an election. During the campaign no issues were discussed. No program was presented. No questions were resolved. Marxist T.C. Douglas, leader of the New Democrats, and Robert Stanfield, leader of the Progressive Conservatives, indignantly defended Lucky Pierre from “hate.”
Canadians were told that Pierre should be Prime Minister because he is sexier and cha-chas better than anyone else. And in June, 1968, Trudeau was elected. Our great neighbor now had a Prime Minister with a Communist record more blatant than Castro’s.
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