Wicked Willy: The Chancellor of the West German Government

Foreword: This old reprint from 1971 shines a light on the so-called “Willy Brandt”.

“Wicked Willy” was written over a decade before René Lévesque asked Brandt to admit the veiled Communist Parti Québécois (PQ) to the Socialist International (SI), whose mandate is world government.

Willy Brant and David Rockefeller, 18 June 1971

Interesting image from 1971 of Willy Brandt with Soviet-apologist David Rockefeller of the Chase Bank which helped to finance the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. In 1964, Rockefeller called for “free trade” between USA and Canada. That was an early step toward North American Soviet Union

Source: Straight Talk! Published by the Edmund Burke Society

Editor: F. Paul Fromm
Associate Editor: Kastus Akula
Writers: E.B.S. Members and friends
Directors: The Council of the E.B.S.

The Edmund Burke Society is a movement dedicated to preserving and promoting the basic virtues of Western Christian Civilization — individual freedom; individual responsibility; a self-sacrificing love of country; and a willing­ness to work and pay one’s own way and not be a burden on others. These virtues have made our civilization great. Communism, socialism, and welfare-state liberalism are tearing it apart. The Edmund Burke Society stands for a regeneration of Western Civilization and firm action against all its enemies.

The E.B.S. is financed mainly through small donations from generous Canadians. Straight Talk! is produced by voluntary labour.

Volume III No. 6, March 1971


WICKED WILLY

The Chancellor of the West German government is a dan­gerous threat to Western Christian civilization. The following are a few quotations inserted into the American Congressional Record from a document by Congressman Rarick, entitled Willy Brandt:

“How did Herbert Frahm, the illegitimate son of a shopgirl in the Baltic Ger­man port of Lubeck, a member of the Red Falcons and functionary of the far-left Socialist Workers’ Party, said by an old acquaintance to be ‘as close to Red as you can get without actually being Red’, be­come, in less than five years, Willy Brandt, a ‘correspondent’ with the Communist forces in the Spanish Civil War, under a forged Nor­wegian passport?…

How did Willy Brandt, a German hiding out the war in Sweden, become a naturalized Norwegian while the government of Norway was in exile in London?…

How did Brandt next surface as a Nor­wegian reporter at the Nuremburg Trials acting as a go-between and translator for half of the foreign press corps?

How did Brandt next appear at Allied headquarters in Berlin, not as a German, but as a Norwegian Major in 1946?” The record goes on and on and on…

_____

Afterword: Interesting that Communist René Lévesque was a ‘correspondent’ with the American forces in WWII. Reporters, editors, journalists and correspondents are frequently occupations of choice for spies and agents. This gives them news control, to slant what we hear and read. They are at the nerve center of current events, able to re-write history as it happens.

Quebec’s left and far left have typically had their agents in all our press and broadcast media, which for lack of a better term, creates a grave conflict of interest. For example, in 1963, a reporter from the La Presse newspaper used $5,000 to bail an alleged FLQ terrorist, Françcois Mario Bachand, out of jail. Bachand then vanished.

The reporter had helped to make the news; but his job was to observe and report the news, not get involved.

Reporters must influence the course of events by getting at the truth of events as best they can. Too much involvement in making events is a conflict of interest.

In the 1950s and 60s in Quebec, La Presse owners fired journalists who were exposed as Communists and were slanting the news. These Reds also wrote for leftist magazines. In response to the firings, other journalists involved in subversive activities began to publish in the local Red press under pseudonyms.

A specific example is the historically documented use of pseudonyms by La Presse reporters contributing to an extreme left new journal being launched from the basement of André Laurendeau’s home by two Trudeau-Pelletier friends and employees at the pro-Soviet Cité Libre who were about to quit CL to lead an FLQ terrorist cell.*

Laurendeau’s son also wrote for the review they were launching in Laurendeau’s basement: Révolution Québécoise. Moreover, at the time, far-left Laurendeau was co-chairing Soviet agent Lester Bowles Pearson’s Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism.

This means that by at least this one channel — in my view, there must have been others — a pipeline existed directly from Pearson through Laurendeau to the about-to-be Communist terrorist leaders.

The Pearson government was supposedly fighting the terrorist infiltration; however, it could also have been “placing orders” for “designer violence” at particular times to suit a developing agenda.

Pearson’s main agenda — which has been the agenda ever since — was to restructure Canada, using Quebec as the pretext. Now, how would a Red like to restructure Canada? Something along the lines of the Soviet Union? That’s what the infamous “Bi & Bi” Commission was for. To lend a “legalistic” facade to an unconstitutional policy to destroy the founding peoples of Canada for Jewish-Bolshevik multiculturalism fed by illegal mass immigration. The Reds were turning Canada into a tribal, multicultural Soviet-style region, one careful stage at a time.

The pretext for the Bi & Bi Commission was the Communist FLQ terror in Quebec which began in early 1963.

Communist terrorist activities were always mis-portrayed as those of “ultra-nationalist French Canadians”. In other words, in Canada’s press and media — tightly controlled, then as now — it was made to seem as though millions of Quebec Catholic conservatives hated “racist”, “imperialist” Canada and wanted out.

However, the majority of French Canadians never supported the terrorists; and therefore, Pearson’s desire to accommodate “Quebec’s aspirations” (pretending the terrorism was an ethnic revolt) was in fact a Communist at the top using Communist terrorists at the bottom as an excuse to replace Confederation with the new world socialist system. And pretend this was being done as a “favor” to millions of French Canadians who would never have requested it, and would never have approved of it, had they known.

_____
* Louis Fournier, F.L.Q. Histoire d’un mouvement clandestin (1982). See Chapter 6, the segment Révolution québécoise (Vallières et Gagnon), page 91. Fournier is a partisan of the left; he calls the FLQ killers “political prisoners” when they are jailed. Nonetheless, there is a lot of useful information in this book, which is free online at http://classiques.uqac.ca/

More on Willy Brandt, René Lévesque and the Socialist International

René Lévesque - Attendez que je me rappelle...

In my post of January 4th, 2015, I published the first English translation of a 1982 letter of René Lévesque to the Socialist International (SI), scooped from the unpublished files of the Parti Québécois by the Fédération des Québécois de souche (FQS).

Let’s take another look at that letter.

The New American (Tuesday, 01 March 2011 15:40) in its article by Christian Gomez (“Involvement of Socialist International in 2011 Protests”), describes the origins of the Socialist International:

“Initially founded in Paris in 1889, the Second (or Socialist) International was led by Friedrich Engels — until his death in 1895 — in conjunction with other leaders. After being dissolved on the eve of the First World War, the SI, although by then committed to the ideals of Leon Trotsky*, reorganized in 1951, serving as an ally to the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact communist satellite republics.”

Source: http://www.thenewamerican.com/world-mainmenu-26/africa-mainmenu-27/6516-involvement-of-socialist-international-in-2011-protests

Backup @ Calameo: http://en.calameo.com/read/000747447955ecbba25a9

Friedrich Engels was a Socialist who wrote the Communist Manifesto with Karl Marx in 1848.

The New American goes on:

“During its 1962 Congress in Oslo, Norway, the Socialist International officially publicized its aims abroad, declaring, ‘The ultimate objective of the parties of the Socialist International is nothing less than world government,’ adding, “Membership of the United Nations must be made universal.”

The text of the Declaration of the Socialist International endorsed at the Council Conference held in Oslo on 2-4 June 1962, is online at the web site of the SI, itself.

Source: http://www.socialistinternational.org/viewArticle.cfm?ArticleID=2133

Backup @ Calameo: http://en.calameo.com/books/000747447c87ba69f7cac

It says:

“SOCIALISM AND WORLD PEACE

“The ultimate objective of the parties of the Socialist International is nothing less than world government. As a first step towards it, they seek to strengthen the United Nations so that it may become more and more effective as an instrument for maintaining peace.”

Again, The New American:

“Several years later, in 1976, Willy Brandt — the former Chancellor of West Germany who was forced to resign in 1974 after he was exposed as an agent of the Stasi, the KGB-backed secret police of communist East Germany — became the President of the SI, serving as its longest-running leader from 1976 to 1992….”

 

The Parti Québécois Adheres To The Goal
Of World Government:

With respect to both SI congresses, and in particular to the SI’s “1962 Congress in Oslo, Norway”, we note that René Lévesque, at page 1 of his 1982 letter to SI president Willy Brandt, requesting PQ membership in the Socialist International, specifically states, in the second to last paragraph on that page:

“… le Parti Québécois adhère sans aucune restriction aux principes énoncés dans les déclarations de Frankfort (1951) et d’Oslo (1962).”

“… the Parti Québécois adheres without any restriction to the principles enunciated in the declarations of Frankfort (1951) and Oslo (1962).”

Therefore, in 1982 when René Lévesque attempted to admit the Parti Québécois to the Socialist International, he was expressly assuring them of his support for their plan of world government.

Flattr this

 

But this is no surprise. In his Memoirs published in 1986, René Lévesque entitles a brief sub-chapter, “I Am a Federalist”. In that sub-chapter, he explains that he is a federalist “in world terms“. Here is a compressed extract:

KEY EXCERPT: 17. I Am a Federalist [ … ]

“All of this means that on two or three absolutely essential levels, the nation-state has had its day. It must give up part of its powers and resources to an authority that would be a Security Council for humanity at large. It’s not for tomorrow, of course. But if we want to count on a tomorrow, no other solution is in sight. There, at any rate, is what I think, and what I repeat every time I get a chance, and what I’ll risk saying again here: to put an end to the massacre of innocents, to give children everywhere a minimum of equal opportunities, one cannot be anything but federalist… at least in world terms.”

The chapter section can be viewed online, English edition, as published:

“I Am a Federalist” – chapter section in the Memoirs of René Lévesque (published 1986):
http://en.calameo.com/books/000111790e51d4555c0f5

The original chapter section in French, entitled “Je Suis Fédéraliste” – being a section of a chapter in the Memoirs entitled Attendez que je me rappelle… les Mémoires de René Lévesque (also published in 1986), is online here:

http://en.calameo.com/books/0001117901d697922e1af

The pertinent extract in the French-language Mémoires reads as follows (again, compressed to the point):

“Cela signifie que, sur deux ou trois plans absolument existentiels, l’État-nation a fait son temps. Il lui faudra céder cette portion de ses pouvoirs et de ses ressources à une autorité qui soit un Conseil de Sécurité pour l’humanité tout entière. Ce n’est pas demain la veille, bien sûr. Mais si l’on veut compter sur un demain, quelle autre issue ?

Pour ma part, en tout cas, ce que je pense et que je répète à chaque occasion, et que je me risque à écrire ici : pour mettre un vrai holà au massacre des innocents, pour donner aux enfants de partout un minimum d’égalité des chances, on ne peut qu’être fédéraliste. Mondialement parlant…”

René Lévesque was not a nationalist, a sovereignist or a patriot. He was a known Communist and a globalist.

As René Lévesque asserted in his 1982 letter to Willy Brandt, attempting admission of the Parti Québécois to the Socialist International, “… the Parti Québécois adheres without any restriction to the principles enunciated in the declarations of Frankfort (1951) and Oslo (1962).”

However, the Frankfurt Declaration of 1951, at its article 5, states as follows:

“5. In many countries uncontrolled capitalism is giving place to an economy in which state intervention and collective ownership limit the scope of private capitalists. More people are coming to recognise the need for planning. Social security, free trade unionism and industrial democracy are winning ground. This development is largely a result of long years of struggle by Socialists and trade unionists. Wherever Socialism is strong, important steps have been taken towards the creation of a new social order.”

A moderator of the May 9th, 1972 radio broadcast discussing the Parti Québécois manifesto, online at CBC Archives, (transcribed and translated into English here), quoted then-President of Bell Canada, Mr. Robert Scrivener, as characterizing

“this program as ‘dangerous’, ‘unrealistic’, and who envisioned a kind of ‘Apocalypse of Business’, if ever this program, if ever one attempted to apply this program.”

While the radio hosts and others attempted to link the manifesto to Swedish-style socialism, seasoned businessman and President of the Quebec Employers’ Council, Charles Perreault, declared:

“For all practical purposes here, they are going to give to the Government the role it plays in socialist countries in Eastern Europe. They are going to centralize production, they are going to construct plans – uh – coercive plans – and for all practical purposes, as I said – uh – give to the Government total control. And one must expect that the, the, the economy will progress pretty much like that of the Poles or the Czechs or the East Germans.” (11 min. 01 sec.)

Perreault continued:

“This is clearly a coercive – uh – which ref – uh, which represents the kind of, of – of, uh – of system known in socialist countries.

But surely not, surely not (the kind one finds in) Sweden, and surely not in France, either.” (12 min. 34 sec.)

Narciso Pizarro, a Marxist sociologist interviewed in the same broadcast, and who specializes in trade-unionism, admitted that the Parti Québécois manifesto took its inspiration from “the Yugoslav model“. (2 min. 26 sec.) The former Yugoslavia, of course, was a Communist state under Marshal Tito until his death in 1980. Thus, in 1972, at the time of the Parti Québécois manifesto, the plan for Quebec is admittedly Communist.

The Parti Québécois is therefore obviously Communist.

The referendums in Quebec to “secede” are an obvious device to acquire temporary sovereignty sufficient to sign “treaties” undertaking to destroy that same sovereignty in Communist regionalism subject to world government.

That regionalism, intended to stretch horizontally, East-West, with the “rest of Canada” signing on to the “partnership”, is moreover modeled on the regionalism now unfolded in Europe. At the time of the 1980 Quebec referendum it was called the European Economic Community; at the time of the 1995 Quebec referendum, it had become the European Union. By 2001, Mikhail Gorbachev was calling it “The New European Soviet“.

Both referendums failed — despite attempts to rig the outcome — thus the regionalization of North America was pursued vertically, North-South, by means of so-called “trade” deals to incorporate Canada, the USA and Mexico into a single unit. When NAFTA stalled, 9/11 occurred, conveniently kick-starting the final leg of the forced march to North American…. Soviet Union.

Building A North American CommunityIt should be no surprise that René Lévesque himself called his plan for the re-federation of Canada with a (temporarily) sovereign Quebec both a new “Canadian Union” and a new “Canadian Community.” These designations must be familiar…. they are clearly echoed in the Council on Foreign Relations’ 2005 blueprint for “Building A North American Community,” commonly known as the North American Union. They were also based on the European Economic Community, and the European Union.

Moreover, one of the signatories to the 2005 “Building A North American Community” plan is Pierre-Marc Johnson, leader of the Parti Québécois after Lévesque, and therefore the Communist Premier of Quebec. The North American Union, modeled on the European Union — the “New European Soviet” — must therefore be Communist.

As to who really founded the Parti Québécois — because René Lévesque is just the front man — I’ll give you that in another post another day.
______
* Leon Trotsky, also known as “Lev Bronstein”.

– 30 –

Flattr this

 

UPDATE: FREE DOWNLOAD now available for researchers:

Download a FREE 18-MB copy of QUAND NOUS SERONS VRAIMENT CHEZ NOUS

The 7zip folder contains: (1) the AUDIO TAPE of the French CBC radio show discussing the Manifesto; (2) The Table of Contents of the Manifesto (Translated); (3) an 18-MB PDF file of the manifesto (scanned at the law library of the French University of Montreal; (4) an OCR of the manifesto.

QUAND – The PQ Manifesto – PDF file & OCR.zip

OR:

QUAND – The PQ Manifesto – PDF file & OCR.zip

 

 

 

 

René Lévesque’s 1982 Letter to Willy Brandt (Socialist International)

 Willy Brandt, René Lévesque

L-R: Willy Brandt, René Lévesque

The Letter

In their French article entitled “Adhésion du Parti Québécois à l’Internationale Socialiste“, the Fédération des Québécois de Souche claims credit for a literal scoop from the archives of the Parti Québécois. And that is a scan of the letter dated December 6th, 1982, sent by René Lévesque to then-President of the SI, Willy Brandt.

The letter requests full membership of the Parti Québécois in the Socialist International, deemed by sources at The New American to be an extension of the original “Communist International”. However, Canada’s New Democratic Party — currently led by Thomas Mulcair (married to his Jewish psychologist) and formerly led by the late Jack Layton — has always been a full member of the Socialist International, a status the NDP inherited from its political forebear, the CCF.

My request to the Quebec Provincial Archives for a certified copy of the original letter met the response that they do not have this particular letter. The Provincial Archive suggests that the original letter must still be with the Parti Québécois. So, this really is a scoop. Congratulations to the F.Q.S.!

I claim credit for the first English translation of it, and for its first publication in English, here. See below. Downloads are available at the very end.
 

Exclusive English translation by NoSnowinMoscow.com:

7370 St-Hubert Street
Montreal, Quebec H2R 2N3
Tel.: (514) 270-5400

Quebec, on December 6th, 1982

Mr. Willy Brandt
President of the Socialist International
88a, St John’ s Wood High street [sic]
LONDON NW8 7SJ
Great Britain

Mr. President,

Founded less than fifteen years ago, counting more than 200,000 members, well rooted in all milieux, carried to power in 1976, seeing its mandate renewed at the time of the general election of April 1981, financed solely by the individuals who compose it, the Parti Québécois has become one of the most important mass parties of the western world, especially if account is taken of the fact that Quebec counts only a little more than six million inhabitants.

Bearer of the national and progressive aspirations of the Québécois people, it intends to affirm its presence on the international scene and to multiply contacts and exchanges with political organizations of other countries which share similar objectives.

In this spirit, in accordance with the wish expressed by the delegates brought together at the national congress last February, the Parti Québécois, by the resolution of its national Executive council dated November 26th, 1982, solicits full membership of the Socialist International, this absolutely essential world gathering place of the forces of progress and freedom.

Condemning any authoritative and oppressive form of government, communist or fascist in nature, conscious also of the need to correct the abuses of capitalism while causing the rights and freedoms of the individual and the general interest of the community to prevail over those of privileged and too-powerful groups, the Parti Québécois adheres without any restriction to the principles stated in the declarations of Frankfurt (1951) and Oslo (1962).

In its official program, the Parti Québécois declares that the main objective of every social-democratic party is:

“To unceasingly increase the democratic level of a society. It is not only a question of theoretically ensuring fundamental freedoms and the maintenance of democratic institutions, but to make it so that these freedoms really can be within the reach of one and all and that these institutions are used to increase the freedom of those who are the most disadvantaged. What is required is thus the elimination of discrimination and of the inequalities in human relations, the abolition of all class privilege, growth in quality of life for the most disadvantaged people of our society and the broadest possible participation of every citizen in decisions which affect them”.

In fact, as much by its program as by the policies carried out since it came to power, our political organism is conducting an experiment at one and the same time original and promising, unique in North America, of national emancipation, of social and economic democracy, of respect for the rights of minorities and of ethnic groups.

The following initiatives in particular have been taken: a referendum on the political status of the Québécois people; radical democratization of the financing of political parties, excluding by law any participation other than that from individuals, with supplemental aid from the State; sustained efforts in order to reduce the tax burden of persons of modest income and to more equitably redistribute the collective wealth; a public and universal regime of auto insurance; extension of and new strength breathed into the public sector of the economy; measures with a view to furthering unionization and ensuring better protection for the health and safety of employees; a “Charter of the French language” aimed at ensuring equal opportunity for the vast majority of French-language Québécois workers, while recognizing and protecting the rights of the anglophone minority; decentralization of the governmental apparatus and increased participation of citizens in the administrative authorities; rigorous protection of the environment and agricultural territory; initial attempts at co-decision among the principal socioeconomic agents; and finally a Charter of rights and freedoms of the person which we believe the most progressive in America.

For all the reasons which I have just evoked, I express with confidence, Mr. President, the wish that our membership application be favorably received by your management Office.

With my best regards,

René Lévesque
President of the Parti Québécois

 

Transcription of the original French letter:

7370, rue St-Hubert
Montréal, Québec H2R 2N3
Tel. : (514) 270-5400

Québec, le 6 décembre 1982

Monsieur Willy Brandt
Président de l’Internationale Socialiste
88a, St. John’s Wood High street
LONDRES NW8 7SJ
Grande-Bretagne

Monsieur le président,

Fondé il y a moins de quinze ans, comptant plus de 200 000 membres, bien enraciné dans tous les milieux, porté au pouvoir en 1976, voyant son mandant renouvelé lors du scrutin général d’avril 1981, financé uniquement par les individus qui le composent, le Parti Québécois est devenu un des partis de masse les plus importants du monde occidental, surtout si l’on tient compte du fait que le Québec ne compte qu’un peu plus de six millions d’habitants.

Porteur des aspirations nationales et progressistes du peuple québécois, il entend affirmer sa présence sur la scène internationale et multiplier les contacts et les échanges avec les formations politiques d’autres payes qui partagent des objectifs similaires aux siens.

Dans cet esprit, conformément au vœu exprimé par les délégués réunis au congrès national en février dernier, le Parti Québécois, par la résolution de son Conseil exécutif national en date du 26 novembre 1982, sollicite de devenir membre de plein droit de l’Internationale Socialiste, ce lieu de rassemblement mondial, absolument essentiel, des forces du progrès et de la liberté.

Condamnant toute forme autoritaire et oppressive de gouvernement, de nature communiste ou fasciste, conscient aussi de la nécessité de corriger les abus du capitalisme en faisant prévaloir les droits et libertés de la personne et l’intérêt général de la collectivité sur ceux des groupes privilégiés et trop puissants, le Parti Québécois adhère sans aucune restriction aux principes énoncés dans les déclarations de Francfort (1951) et d’Olso (1962).

Dans son programme officiel, le Parti Québécois déclare que l’objectif premier de tout parti social-démocrate est :

« D’accroître sans cesse le niveau démocratique d’une société. Il s’agit non seulement d’assurer théoriquement les libertés fondamentales et le maintien d’institutions démocratiques, amis de faire que ces libertés puissent être réellement à la portée de tous et de toutes et que ces institutions servent à accroître la liberté de ceux et de celles qui en sont le plus privés. Ce qui est recherché est donc l’élimination de la discrimination et des inégalités dans les relations humaines, l’abolition de tout privilège de classe, l’accroissement de la qualité de la vie pour les personnes les plus démunies de notre société et la plus large participation possible de chaque citoyen et de chaque citoyenne aux décisions qui les concernent ».

En fait, tout autant par son programme que par les politiques réalisées depuis qu’elle exerce le pouvoir, notre formation politique mène une expérience à la fois originale et prometteuse, unique en Amérique du Nord, d’émancipation nationale, de démocratie sociale et économique, de respect des droits des minorités et des groupes ethniques.

Les initiatives suivantes ont notamment été prises : référendum sur le statut politique du peuple québécois : démocratisation radicale du financement des partis politiques, excluant par la loi toute participation autre que celle des individus, avec une aide complémentaire de l’État; efforts soutenus afin d’alléger le fardeau fiscal des gens à revenu modeste et de redistribuer plus équitablement la richesse collective; régime public et universel d’assurance automobile; extension et vigueur nouvelle insufflée au secteur public de l’économie; mesures en vue de favoriser la syndicalisation et d’assurer une meilleure protection de la santé et de la sécurité des salariés; « Charte de la langue française » visant à assurer l’égalité des chances de la grande majorité des travailleurs Québécois, de langue française, tout en reconnaissant et protégeant les droits de la minorité anglophone; décentralisation de l’appareil gouvernemental et participation accrue des citoyens aux instances administratives; protection rigoureuse de l’environnement et du territoire agricole; premières tentatives de concertation des principaux agents socio-économiques; enfin une Charte des droits et libertés de la personne que nous croyons la plus progressiste en Amérique.

Pour toutes les raisons que je viens d’évoquer, je formule avec confiance, monsieur le président, le vœu que notre demande d’adhésion soit accueillie favorablement par votre Bureau de direction.

Avec l’expression de ma haute considération,

René Lévesque
Président du Parti Québécois

 

Download a word-searchable transcript of the 1982 French letter of René Lévesque to Willy Brandt, side by side with an Exclusive English translation:
http://www58.zippyshare.com/v/XsjzQB5i/file.html

Download a scan of the original 1982 French letter of René Lévesque to Willy Brandt:
http://www57.zippyshare.com/v/xlRWIfqG/file.html