The Real Pierre Elliott Trudeau

The Real Pierre Elliott Trudeau
A Child’s View, in Retrospect

When I was about 12 or 14 years old, and home from school for the afternoon, I switched on our old black and white floor-model TV, and there was Pierre Elliott Trudeau.

This would be around 1965-1967; Trudeau was not yet Prime Minister. As I was not a political kid, I couldn’t tell you what he was at the time. But, from my reading today, I would say that during that broadcast, he had probably already been recruited by Soviet spy, Prime Minister Lester Pearson, and had been or would be soon elected to Parliament as a so-called “Liberal” and enter Pearson’s cabinet.

This was on channel 6 or 12 (CBC or CTV in Montreal, Canada). We had rabbit ears and picked up only channels 2 and 10 (which were French), and 6, 12, 3 and 5 (which were English; but 3 and 5 were American, ABC and NBC).

So, I suspect that Trudeau was on channel 6 at the time, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, a national “news” and entertainment network formed by federal statute, the Canadian Broadcasting Act, 1936 and By-Laws. (In other words, looking back, this was Canada’s Pravda.)

So, there was Trudeau in a suit being interviewed. He was describing his ideal society. And, again, looking back, he must have been testing the waters; for, as he never openly discussed it again, in these terms, he must have decided that viewer response was not sufficiently favorable to openly inflict Communism on Canada.

I know I remember this pretty well, because after the show, I quickly descended the basement stairs of our wholly-owned non-mortgaged duplex at 2264 Hingston Avenue in NDG to the old Underwood manual typewriter, and I wrote a funny story about Trudeau’s ideal society.

I called my story “CLANADA”, with an “L” in it; that’s not a typo.

However, back to Trudeau — and keep in mind, I could write this as an affidavit.

In Trudeau’s ideal society, there would be no private property. You would own nothing. You would not even own the chair you sat in to watch Mr. Trudeau on television. And obviously, you would not own the television.

Because, said Trudeau, there would be no stores. You could not buy things any more. Instead, you would go to a central warehouse run by the government where you would receive all you need, which is to say, all that government decided you need. You would exchange a chit for this, which the government had issued.

For example, said Trudeau, in this warehouse there would be only a few models of couches, beds and chairs, and a limited assortment of pictures to put on your wall. The purpose of this limitation in style and variety was “equality”. Said Trudeau, people would be “equal” only if they all owned nothing and had the mere use of pretty much the same “things”.

Keep in mind, this is coming from a man who when he finally left the home owned by his mother, bought himself a mansion which he later fitted with an indoor swimming pool. Author Peter Worthington suspected the pool was at Canadian taxpayers’ expense, although it was said to have been a gift of wealthy businessmen. (If the latter is true, perhaps the wealthy capitalists were “equalizing” one of their own with themselves.) Therefore, Mr. Trudeau, his wife and his own children, did not have to mingle with the “equal” people at the low-brow community swimming pool.

Mr. Trudeau certainly did not live the lifestyle he recommended for others.

One would therefore have to think that Trudeau did not consider himself “equal” to others. Apparently, in his ideal society, he would be “more equal” — as no doubt would friends of his who also lived up the hill in pool-equipped mansions.

As a kid, I didn’t know what Communism was, so I really just thought Trudeau was crazy.

I snorted and chuckled with amusement as I banged out my child’s satire of the great man’s views for Canada on my grandfather’s old Underwood — which in Trudeau’s ideal world, I would not have the use of, due to abolition of inheritance, and more importantly, laws against criticizing Communism. (As a child-intellectual with all the wrong views, I’d have been quickly sent for “re-education”. But I know for sure, it wouldn’t have worked. I’d have ended up, like Vladimir Bukovsky, in lunatic asylums for penning politically incorrect views about the North American Union, and slurring the Canadian Commisars.)

The story I wrote was of Trudeau’s ideal country, where you didn’t even own the bed you slept in.

Moreover, in my story, you had to share your bed with a neighbour, because it rolled through the wall in the morning, into the next apartment, to be slept in by someone else coming home from his shift at the workplace.

I no longer have a copy of that story, and I can’t remember any more details. But, obviously, today, I know for sure that Pierre Elliott Trudeau was a Communist. Which is to say, he merely advocated Communism for the rest of us. (It just took Alan Stang to remind me.)

KM/HCC

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The Featherbed File: Trudeau Squelches Own RCMP File

INSIDE THE FEATHERBED FILE: Treason in the Civil Service
by RCMP Undercover Officer Patrick Walsh

BAMBOOZLED JOE CLARK

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

It was his home-town publication, The Gazette, which pinpointed how secret Orders-in-Council were used by Trudeau to ensure that the new Prime Minister Joe Clark would be bamboozled into an agreement whereby the hitherto unpublished portions of the Gouzenko report as well as the subsequent Featherbed File remained sealed for at least 20 years.

Following, are excerpts from a report published in the 1 October 1979 issue of The Montreal Gazette:

In a secret Order-in-Council issued in his last days as Prime Minister, PierreTrudeau ordered all the police intelligence files on him and his Cabinet colleagues be sealed for at least 20 years, The Gazette has learned.

The files were part of a top-secret investigation called ‘Operation Featherbed’ that was started by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in the early 1960s.

Prime Minister Joe Clark agreed in a letter dated June 2 that Trudeau’s final Order-in-Council would be respected, an undertaking which has angered some Conservative MPs.

Repeated efforts by Trudeau and other senior Liberals to gain access to the Featherbed files were turned down by the RCMP security branch. But senior members of the security service have told the Gazette that the files include material on the private lives of influential Canadian figures, their past political affiliations, contacts with agents of foreign powers, private weaknesses or vices and even sexual practices. [Emphasis added]

Trudeau’s decision to issue an Order-in-Council sealing this Featherbed material just four days after the last federal election, but while he was still Prime Minister, also brought sharp rebukes from his former Cabinet colleagues.

There was such an uproar from backbenchers in the short-lived Clark government over this ‘Operation Cover-Up’ that pressure from the grassroots finally forced PM Joe Clark to make an amazing statement concerning the suppressed Featherbed File. The following excerpts are from a Toronto Star report, 1 December 1979:

The Prime Minister (Clark) said he has no intention of ever making the (Featherbed) file public. ‘Were we to publish that, we would be giving credence to gossip that affects people, some of whom are still in Ottawa, he told a news conference.

Clark’s blunt remarks conflict with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and back-bench MPs in his own party who maintain that the files show direct links between government officials and the Communist party.

Several MPs in the last month have demanded the government review the Taschereau Papers, secret records of a Royal Commission investigation of the 1946 Igor Gouzenko spy case, and check out reports that a ‘fifth man’ in the Anthony Blunt Soviet spy ring in Britain was Canadian.

Accusations also surfaced in Parliament this week that Jean-Louis Gagnon, a member of the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission, was connected with subversive groups…

The Sunday Star (Toronto), 7 June 1981, published a significant story by reporter John Picton. The first part of his report confirmed much of the Ottawa-based treason I have already mentioned, and then continued:

Lawrence also told the Sunday Star about the time he says he was asked not to check the Trudeau files.

He said he was approached ‘early on in the game’ (meaning Clark’s term of office) by a man who’d been appointed as custodian of Trudeau’s cabinet documents.

Under a so-called ‘convention,’ leaders of incoming governments traditionally have signed an agreement not to delve into cabinet papers of an outgoing administration.

Tory leader Joe Clark signed such an agreement – drawn tip by Trudeau’s office – the night before he was sworn in as prime minister.

Before signing, Clark wanted to consult Lawrence since he was appointing him solicitor-general, but couldn’t find him (‘I don’t know why he couldn’t find me’).

Some Tory MPs – Lawrence among them – think that was a mistake because the agreement, they allege, went much farther than any previous pact and effectively locked away many more papers than just cabinet documents.

(Tory MP Tom Cossitt describes the signing as ‘a grave error’).

‘He (the custodian) asked me specifically not to request documents relating to Trudeau’s personal life,’ Lawrence said. He said the RCMP had them, like past history associations.

‘They related to security questions about Trudeau himself in his younger days,’ when Trudeau was a world traveller.

The custodian – named by Lawrence but unavailable for comment -‘was obviously perturbed about he availability to me of these documents, and he indicated to me it would be a blow below the belt if I started looking at those.’

Lawrence wouldn’t say if he did look at them.

…. Cossitt (the Tory MP) also says that one of Trudeau’s last acts as prime minister in 1979, before handing over office to Clark, was to sign an order-in-council preventing the McDonald commission into RCMP wrongdoing from seeing certain cabinet documents without his permission.

The agreement Clark signed ensured that the order would stand.

But, says Lawrence, that agreement covered far more than cabinet documents. As solicitor-general he’d tried to see documents relating to the 35-year-old Gouzenko spy case dealing with a Soviet espionage ring.

Civil servants wouldn’t show them to him because of a previous order from Trudeau’s office.

When Lawrence asked officials why certain ‘security breaches’ weren’t prosecuted, he was told that was the policy of the day. The reasons for that policy were locked away in cabinet papers.

‘I was given reports on what happened, but not on the reasons for the government decisions on why they didn’t prosecute. Canadian governments have hushed up all sorts of things.’

Lawrence added: ‘One of the weird aspects of this is that we can see more about our affairs in other countries than we can see in Canada.’

So much for the Star report which confirms three decades of warnings by Canadian Intelligence publications that treason has been riding high in Ottawa. It also confirms the fact that Joe Clark was so politically immature that Old Machiavelli, before handing over the keys to him for a brief interlude in 1979, tricked young Joe into actually covering up the Featherbed File scandal and thus unwittingly becoming himself a party to treason.

It was, as Mr. Lawrence implies, the civil servants, still under the former PM’s ‘orders,’who called the tune, not the ministers in the Clark Government!

TRUTH IS FINALLY EMERGING

The Edmonton Journal (30 March 1981) concluded an article on Lester Pearson’s cover-up for Soviet spy John Watkins:

A remaining question is why Pearson and the Liberal hierarchy decided to cover up for Watkins.

Was it simply because Pearson and Watkins were huge personal friends?’

If so, this meant that Pearson’s own priorities came ahead of those of Canadians in general would lead to many more exposures and create shattering embarrassment for the Liberal bureaucracy?’

E. D. Ward-Harris, Editor of the Victoria Times-Colonist, reviewing Chapman Pincher’s remarkable book, Their Trade is Treachery, in the 30 May 1981 issue, says that the mind ‘boggles’ at the extent of Soviet penetration in high government circles, and adds: ‘Why, after reading this book it wouldn’t surprise me to learn that some Western president or prime minister had been recruited by the KGB in his youth and was taking his orders from Moscow Centre through a handy controller. It wouldn’t surprise me at all.’

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