1972: Peter Worthington Accompanies Igor Gouzenko to British Intelligence

Foreword:

On the evening of September 5, 1945 Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk for the military attaché, Colonel Nikolai Zabotin of the Soviet embassy in Ottawa, left the embassy carrying a number of secret documents. Gouzenko tried to give the documents to the Ottawa Journal and to the Minister of Justice, Louis St. Laurent. Both turned him away.

On February 5, 1946, Prime Minister MacKenzie King informed his Cabinet about the Gouzenko case. Ten days later, after the first arrests were made, King informed Canadians of the creation of the Royal Commission to Investigate the Facts Relating to and the Circumstances Surrounding the Communication, by Public Officials and Other Persons in Positions of Trust of Secret and Confidential Information to Agents of a Foreign Power.

Gouzenko exposed Joseph Stalin’s efforts to steal nuclear secrets, and the technique of planting sleeper agents. The “Gouzenko Affair” is often credited as a triggering event of the Cold War.

The evidence provided by Gouzenko led to the arrest of 39 suspects; 18 of whom were eventually convicted of a variety of offences.

Among those convicted was Fred Rose (born Fred Rosenberg) (December 7, 1907 – March 16, 1983), the first, and the only known member of the Communist Party — at that time called the Labour-Progressive Party — to be elected to the House of Commons of Canada. Rose is also the only Member of the Canadian Parliament ever convicted of spying for a foreign country.

As a Member of Parliament, Rose proposed the first anti-hate legislation, (i.e., the criminalization of emotions through state-imposed mind control).

Also convicted in the wake of the Gouzenko disclosures were Sam Carr, the Communist Party’s national organizer; and scientist Raymond Boyer.

In the March 1963 edition of Cité Libre, a French-language, pro-Communist magazine run by Communists Gérard Pelletier and Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Boyer is listed not merely as a contributor, but as a “Collaborator”:

[calameo code=000111790b6ca30b8eea9 width=300 height=194]

Other participating Reds of Cité Libre include Stanley B. Ryerson, principal theoretician of the Communist Party and editor of Marxist Review; and Pierre Gélinas, Quebec director of AGIT-PROP (Agitation and Propaganda) for the Communist Party.

[At left below (not speaking metaphorically) Igor Gouzenko with and without the white hood he wore for anonymity]

 
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Former Director of MI5 Was a Soviet Spy

Source: Peter Worthington, “Former Director of MI5 Was a Soviet Spy“, August 5th, 2009 at 8:04 am”, Frum Forum; http://www.frumforum.com/former-director-of-mi5-was-a-soviet-sp/

Igor Gouzenko (1919-1982). Photograph by: Canadian Security Intelligence Service, Photo HandoutThis year, 26 years after his death in 1983, the embargoed manuscript memoir of Anthony Blunt is being reviewed more generously than the man deserves.

Blunt tells how and why he became a spy for the Soviet Union -– recruited at Cambridge by Guy Burgess who, he says, persuaded him not to join the Communist party but to spy for the NKVD, forerunner of the KGB.

Blunt says his hatred of fascism motivated him to spy for Stalin against his own country. He joined MI5, Britain’s security service, and betrayed it from within as a “talent scout” for the NKVD.

As Surveyor of the Queens’ Pictures, Blunt was knighted. When exposed as a spy and disgraced, his knighthood was rescinded, but he was never prosecuted.

Margaret Thatcher, then Britain’s PM, reviled Blunt but exonerated another suspect Soviet mole — Sir Roger Hollis, Director of MI5 from 1956-65. Hollis died under a cloud of suspicion. Former MI5 agent, Peter Wright, wrote a book, Spycatcher, which claimed Hollis was a Soviet agent, and which Mrs. Thatcher tried but failed to prevent from being published.

For some, the jury remains out on Hollis — but not for me.

Igor Gouzenko, who escaped in 1945 from the Soviet embassy in Ottawa with documents that showed a massive Soviet spy ring, asked in 1972 if I’d accompany him to a meeting with British intelligence officers.

Gouzenko had been debriefed by the British in 1945, and was wary about meeting them in 1972. He feared they might try to assassinate him, and he wanted a friendly witness.

I told him I’d be as welcome as a polecat at a garden party. He said he had no intention of committing suicide, as Czechoslovakia’s Jan Masaryk supposedly did in 1948 when Soviet agents threw him out a window in Prague. If he were to die, Gouzenko wanted it seen as murder, not suicide.

After the meeting, we met again and Gouzenko was indignant. The Brits had shown him his original debriefing. “It was fabricated,” he said. “It was such nonsense that the person who interviewed me had to be a Soviet agent. The interview had me talking of British spies in the Kremlin. There were no British spies in the Kremlin.”

“Why didn’t you say something at the time, in 1945?” I asked.

“I wanted to check the transcript for corrections, but since I didn’t have security clearance, I wasn’t allowed to see what they had written.”

I chuckled -– typical, I thought, of bureaucracy.

“Who was the British agent who interviewed you?” I asked.

“I don’t know. They wouldn’t tell me. But he was a Soviet agent.”

As it turned out, it was Roger Hollis — apparently sent by Kim Philby (whom Blunt apparently later tipped off that he was about to be arrested).

Ever since, I’ve had no doubt that Hollis was a Soviet mole.

In the early 1990s I appeared on a British TV program, The Trial of Roger Hollis, to tell Gouzenko’s story, since he had died. Then, as before, TV prosecutors [producers?] weren’t interested in the possibility of Hollis’s guilt and ignored Gouzenko’s 1972 interview with British intelligence.

Part of the reason for covering up may be that by acknowledging Hollis’ guilt, many honorable careers in British intelligence would have been diminished into nothing.

If the KGB had a pipeline into MI5 and MI6, better to ignore treason and espionage, than to admit your loyalty and patriotism were betrayed.

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The Featherbed File: Trudeau Squelches Own RCMP File

INSIDE THE FEATHERBED FILE: Treason in the Civil Service
by RCMP Undercover Officer Patrick Walsh

BAMBOOZLED JOE CLARK

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

It was his home-town publication, The Gazette, which pinpointed how secret Orders-in-Council were used by Trudeau to ensure that the new Prime Minister Joe Clark would be bamboozled into an agreement whereby the hitherto unpublished portions of the Gouzenko report as well as the subsequent Featherbed File remained sealed for at least 20 years.

Following, are excerpts from a report published in the 1 October 1979 issue of The Montreal Gazette:

In a secret Order-in-Council issued in his last days as Prime Minister, PierreTrudeau ordered all the police intelligence files on him and his Cabinet colleagues be sealed for at least 20 years, The Gazette has learned.

The files were part of a top-secret investigation called ‘Operation Featherbed’ that was started by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in the early 1960s.

Prime Minister Joe Clark agreed in a letter dated June 2 that Trudeau’s final Order-in-Council would be respected, an undertaking which has angered some Conservative MPs.

Repeated efforts by Trudeau and other senior Liberals to gain access to the Featherbed files were turned down by the RCMP security branch. But senior members of the security service have told the Gazette that the files include material on the private lives of influential Canadian figures, their past political affiliations, contacts with agents of foreign powers, private weaknesses or vices and even sexual practices. [Emphasis added]

Trudeau’s decision to issue an Order-in-Council sealing this Featherbed material just four days after the last federal election, but while he was still Prime Minister, also brought sharp rebukes from his former Cabinet colleagues.

There was such an uproar from backbenchers in the short-lived Clark government over this ‘Operation Cover-Up’ that pressure from the grassroots finally forced PM Joe Clark to make an amazing statement concerning the suppressed Featherbed File. The following excerpts are from a Toronto Star report, 1 December 1979:

The Prime Minister (Clark) said he has no intention of ever making the (Featherbed) file public. ‘Were we to publish that, we would be giving credence to gossip that affects people, some of whom are still in Ottawa, he told a news conference.

Clark’s blunt remarks conflict with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and back-bench MPs in his own party who maintain that the files show direct links between government officials and the Communist party.

Several MPs in the last month have demanded the government review the Taschereau Papers, secret records of a Royal Commission investigation of the 1946 Igor Gouzenko spy case, and check out reports that a ‘fifth man’ in the Anthony Blunt Soviet spy ring in Britain was Canadian.

Accusations also surfaced in Parliament this week that Jean-Louis Gagnon, a member of the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission, was connected with subversive groups…

The Sunday Star (Toronto), 7 June 1981, published a significant story by reporter John Picton. The first part of his report confirmed much of the Ottawa-based treason I have already mentioned, and then continued:

Lawrence also told the Sunday Star about the time he says he was asked not to check the Trudeau files.

He said he was approached ‘early on in the game’ (meaning Clark’s term of office) by a man who’d been appointed as custodian of Trudeau’s cabinet documents.

Under a so-called ‘convention,’ leaders of incoming governments traditionally have signed an agreement not to delve into cabinet papers of an outgoing administration.

Tory leader Joe Clark signed such an agreement – drawn tip by Trudeau’s office – the night before he was sworn in as prime minister.

Before signing, Clark wanted to consult Lawrence since he was appointing him solicitor-general, but couldn’t find him (‘I don’t know why he couldn’t find me’).

Some Tory MPs – Lawrence among them – think that was a mistake because the agreement, they allege, went much farther than any previous pact and effectively locked away many more papers than just cabinet documents.

(Tory MP Tom Cossitt describes the signing as ‘a grave error’).

‘He (the custodian) asked me specifically not to request documents relating to Trudeau’s personal life,’ Lawrence said. He said the RCMP had them, like past history associations.

‘They related to security questions about Trudeau himself in his younger days,’ when Trudeau was a world traveller.

The custodian – named by Lawrence but unavailable for comment -‘was obviously perturbed about he availability to me of these documents, and he indicated to me it would be a blow below the belt if I started looking at those.’

Lawrence wouldn’t say if he did look at them.

…. Cossitt (the Tory MP) also says that one of Trudeau’s last acts as prime minister in 1979, before handing over office to Clark, was to sign an order-in-council preventing the McDonald commission into RCMP wrongdoing from seeing certain cabinet documents without his permission.

The agreement Clark signed ensured that the order would stand.

But, says Lawrence, that agreement covered far more than cabinet documents. As solicitor-general he’d tried to see documents relating to the 35-year-old Gouzenko spy case dealing with a Soviet espionage ring.

Civil servants wouldn’t show them to him because of a previous order from Trudeau’s office.

When Lawrence asked officials why certain ‘security breaches’ weren’t prosecuted, he was told that was the policy of the day. The reasons for that policy were locked away in cabinet papers.

‘I was given reports on what happened, but not on the reasons for the government decisions on why they didn’t prosecute. Canadian governments have hushed up all sorts of things.’

Lawrence added: ‘One of the weird aspects of this is that we can see more about our affairs in other countries than we can see in Canada.’

So much for the Star report which confirms three decades of warnings by Canadian Intelligence publications that treason has been riding high in Ottawa. It also confirms the fact that Joe Clark was so politically immature that Old Machiavelli, before handing over the keys to him for a brief interlude in 1979, tricked young Joe into actually covering up the Featherbed File scandal and thus unwittingly becoming himself a party to treason.

It was, as Mr. Lawrence implies, the civil servants, still under the former PM’s ‘orders,’who called the tune, not the ministers in the Clark Government!

TRUTH IS FINALLY EMERGING

The Edmonton Journal (30 March 1981) concluded an article on Lester Pearson’s cover-up for Soviet spy John Watkins:

A remaining question is why Pearson and the Liberal hierarchy decided to cover up for Watkins.

Was it simply because Pearson and Watkins were huge personal friends?’

If so, this meant that Pearson’s own priorities came ahead of those of Canadians in general would lead to many more exposures and create shattering embarrassment for the Liberal bureaucracy?’

E. D. Ward-Harris, Editor of the Victoria Times-Colonist, reviewing Chapman Pincher’s remarkable book, Their Trade is Treachery, in the 30 May 1981 issue, says that the mind ‘boggles’ at the extent of Soviet penetration in high government circles, and adds: ‘Why, after reading this book it wouldn’t surprise me to learn that some Western president or prime minister had been recruited by the KGB in his youth and was taking his orders from Moscow Centre through a handy controller. It wouldn’t surprise me at all.’

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